Comments on President Barack Obama's Speech on Libya

The purpose of the following comments are to provide food-for-thought to the viewers, and are provided by a former Navy Patrol Plane Commander in World War II, and an insider in government operations. Over the years he has seen an endless series of lies by U.S. politicians and views things differently then people with no prior understanding of the prior culture of their leaders.

Rarely is a speech so devoid of reality, or so contrary to reality; or displaying such ignorance of existing facts.

Speech by President Barack Obama Relating to the
War-Like Actions He Ordered Against Libya (March 28, 2011)

Good evening. Tonight, I'd like to update the American people on the international effort that we have led in Libya - what we have done, what we plan to do, and why this matters to us. I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who, once again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. They have moved with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and our dedicated diplomats, a coalition has been forged and countless lives have been saved. Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally Japan, leaving Iraq to its people, stopping the Taliban's momentum in Afghanistan, and going after al Qaeda around the globe. As Commander-in-Chief, I am grateful to our Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen, and their families, as are all Americans.

• Note: it is standard practice for politicians to say something nice about people who they are being placed into danger.
   
• Lives have been saved? Encouraging spread of a civil war, and firing hundreds of missiles killing people is similar to the murder of thousands of Afghans and Iraqis under the guise of "Operation Iraqi freedom."
   
• Stopping the Taliban's momentum in Afghanistan? The country is in a state of ruin, starting from the U.S. first meddling in the early 1970s as the CIA funded Islamic rebels seeking to overthrow the progressive government with assistance from the Soviet government, which caused the embattled government to request the Soviet Union to send in troops. That in turn led to additional CIA-funding and arming of more rebels, including the group now known as al Qaeda. See www.defraudingamerica.com/afghanistan_index.html.

For generations, the United States of America has played a unique role as an anchor of global security and advocate for human freedom. Mindful of the risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force to solve the world's many challenges. But when our interests and values are at stake, we have a responsibility to act. That is what happened in Libya over the course of these last six weeks.

• Anchor of global security?
   
  • History of invading foreign countries, including Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Cuba, Panama, Grenada, Afghanistan, Iraq, and now Libya.
    |
  • History of subverting foreign governments, including the 1953 CIA-engineered overthrow of Iran's elected leader, Mossadegh, and replacement with the Shah and the Shah's brutal police force. Read about the covert CIA operations called October Surprise, as detailed by CIA personnel that were part of the scheme that hoodwinked the American public.
     
  • Arming and support of Israel's invasion and occupying of the invaded land, the brutality upon the people of the invaded land, blocking repeated resolutions of the United Nations condemning the Israeli conduct, all of which has constituted the root and spread of of Mideast turmoil and people wanting to kill Americans.
     
  • Support for Israel's brutality against the people of the territory they occupied.
     
• Advocate for human freedom?
   
  • Whistleblowers index.
     
  • The US. School of the Americas that train foreign military personnel how to brutalize and subvert their people.
     
  • Killing and horribly maiming tens of thousands of Afghans after 9/11 on the sham argument that the Taliban government knowingly aided the al Qaeda plans to hijack four airlines on 9/11, when they had no knowledge of the plan; they offered to turn the al Qaeda group over to a third nation to stand trial as was done with the alleged Pan Am Lockerbie bombers; and when the massive amount of corrupt acts by key people in the United States were the primary enablers of the 9/11terrorists. See www.defraudingamerica.com/afghanistan_index.html and www.defraudingamerica.com/911_blame_comparison.html.

   

  • Killing and horribly maiming tens of thousands of Iraqis after 9/11 on the series of false claims about Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein could easily have seen as lies if a  little effort had been made. www.defraudingamerica.com/iraq_index.html and also blame_comparison.
     
  • The rendition or shipment of detainees to countries for carrying out torture of the detainees after 9/11.
     
  • Engaging in a series of criminal acts to shift attention from them actual murderers of the Pan Am Lockerbie bombing to Libya and two innocent Libyans, standard hallmark of the culture among U.S. leaders.

Libya sits directly between Tunisia and Egypt—two nations that inspired the world when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. For more than four decades, the Libyan people have been ruled by a tyrant—Moammar Gaddafi. He has denied his people freedom, exploited their wealth, murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent people around the world - including Americans who were killed by Libyan agents.

• Denied his people freedom?
   
  • U.S. overthrow of Iran's leader and replacement with the brutal Shah and his brutal policies, embraced by U.S. leaders for 16 years. This writer was in Iran the morning the 1953 revolution started.
     
  • While other Middle East/African rulers engaged in brutalities, beheading, etc. as in Saudi Arabia, Gaddafi improved the role of women and did more progressive westernizing than most other countries that the U.S. befriended.
     
  • The people Obama referred to included tribes, radical Islamic, and people hating the U.S. , including al Qaeda members and those who fought U.S.; forces in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Last month, Gaddafi's grip of fear appeared to give way to the promise of freedom. In cities and towns across the country, Libyans took to the streets to claim their basic human rights. As one Libyan said, "For the first time we finally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over."

• Promise of freedom? Obama has no idea of who were the people and groups involved in the rebel group. They include people from fanatical Islamic groups, tribes, ethnic groups, and people who the United States called terrorists before arriving in Libya from Afghanistan and Iraq.

Faced with this opposition, Gaddafi began attacking his people. As President, my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we evacuated our Embassy and all Americans who sought our assistance. We then took a series of swift steps in a matter of days to answer Gaddafi's aggression. We froze more than $33 billion of the Gaddafi regime's assets. Joining with other nations at the United Nations Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed an arms embargo, and enabled Gaddafi and those around him to be held accountable for their crimes. I made it clear that Gaddafi had lost the confidence of his people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that he needed to step down from power.

• Gaddafi attacked the rebels that sought to overthrow his rule, and were from diverse factions—similar to the reaction by them rulers of Bahrain, Syria, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia.  The majority of the population that did not revolt. Obama said nothing about the protests by these other nations.
   
• Accountable for their crimes?  This sudden concern by U.S. politicians for being accountable for crimes when the crimes by US; leaders have yet to be punished. For instance, a few:
   
  • U.S. leaders lying to justify invasion of Iraq, with grisly consequences.
     
  • U.S. leaders lying to justify invasion of Afghanistan, with similar grisly consequences.
     
  • U.S. leaders lying to justify invasion of Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Panama, Grenada.
     
• Who is Obama to say that Gaddafi lost the confidence of his people when Obama hasn't the vaguest idea of who or what percentage of the population is represented by the rebels.

In the face of the world's condemnation, Gaddafi chose to escalate his attacks, launching a military campaign against the Libyan people. Innocent people were targeted for killing. Hospitals and ambulances were attacked. Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and killed. Supplies of food and fuel were choked off. The water for hundreds of thousands of people in Misratah was shut off. Cities and towns were shelled, mosques destroyed, and apartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and helicopter gunships were unleashed upon people who had no means to defend themselves against assault from the air.

• The response to the rebel group, a small percentage of Libya's population, was similar to the response by other nation's leaders, none of which are being targeted for another war using U.S. personnel as cannon-fodder.

Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, I ordered warships into the Mediterranean. European allies declared their willingness to commit resources to stop the killing. The Libyan opposition, and the Arab League, appealed to the world to save lives in Libya. At my direction, America led an effort with our allies at the United Nations Security Council to pass an historic Resolution that authorized a no fly-zone to stop the regime's attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessary measures to protect the Libyan people.

• The humanitarian crisis was something like what U.S. leaders imposed on the Libyan people through years of financial sanctions as President George H.W. Bush and Department of Justice personnel engaged in corrupt actions to shift blame for the downing of Pan Am Flight 103 from the actual guilty parties to Libya through planted bogus evidence and other crimes. See www.defraudingamerica.com/lockerbie_index.html and the books, History of Aviation Disasters: 1950 to 9/11, and Lockerbie to 9/11: Massive Fraud and Consequences.
   
• U.S. providing military support for a small rebel faction that includes al Qaeda and other people hating the United States is not exactly a humanitarian act.
   
• The military attacks ordered by Obama don't meet the limited objective of blocking Libyan aircraft from flying in its sovereign, territory. Anyone but U.S. politicians would call Obama's actions blatant acts of war; not humanitarian acts.

Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, the international community offered Gaddafi a final chance to stop his campaign of killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his forces continued their advance, bearing down on the city of Benghazi, home to nearly 700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom from fear.

• Obama's version of stopping the campaign of killing meant for U.S. military to kill non-rebel Libyans and support Libyan rebels killing non-rebel Libyans.

At this point, the United States and the world faced a choice. Gaddafi declared that he would show "no mercy" to his own people. He compared them to rats, and threatened to go door to door to inflict punishment. In the past, we had seen him hang civilians in the streets, and kill over a thousand people in a single day. Now, we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knew that if we waited one more day, Benghazi - a city nearly the size of Charlotte - could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world.

• Kill over a thousand people in a single day?  No evidence of that. But it sounds good. With all the other lies, why not add another.

It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let that happen. And so nine days ago, after consulting the bipartisan leadership of Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce UN Security Council Resolution 1973. We struck regime forces approaching Benghazi to save that city and the people within it. We hit Gaddafi's troops in neighboring Ajdabiya, allowing the opposition to drive them out. We hit his air defenses, which paved the way for a no fly-zone. We targeted tanks and military assets that had been choking off towns and cities and we cut off much of their source of supply. And tonight, I can report that we have stopped Gaddafi's deadly advance.

• There was absolutely no national interest in feeding the start of a civil war, siding with a group whose composition is not even known, and that includes Islamic radicals and al Qaeda members. Or further inflaming people in the Middle east against the United States. Or in further spending money that must be borrowed from communist nations (remember the former bugaboo about the Communist threat!)

In this effort, the United States has not acted alone. Instead, we have been joined by a strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies—nations like the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Spain, Greece, and Turkey - all of whom have fought by our side for decades. And it includes Arab partners like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, who have chosen to meet their responsibility to defend the Libyan people.

To summarize, then in just one month, the United States has worked with our international partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure an international mandate to protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent a massacre, and establish a no fly-zone with our allies and partners. To lend some perspective on how rapidly this military and diplomatic response came together, when people were being brutalized in Bosnia in the 1990s, it took the international community more than a year to intervene with air power to protect civilians.

• The support was to maintain a no-fly-zone, not to kill non-rebel Libyans and feed a civil war in Libya.

Moreover, we have accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledge that I made to the American people at the outset of our military operations. I said that America's role would be limited; that we would not put ground troops into Libya; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the front end of the operation, and that we would transfer responsibility to our allies and partners. Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge.

• America's role would be limited a no-fly-zone and not to start another war like was done in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Our most effective alliance, NATO, has taken command of the enforcement of the arms embargo and No Fly Zone. Last night, NATO decided to take on the additional responsibility of protecting Libyan civilians. This transfer from the United States to NATO will take place on Wednesday. Going forward, the lead in enforcing the No Fly Zone and protecting civilians on the ground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am fully confident that our coalition will keep the pressure on Gaddafi's remaining forces. In that effort, the United States will play a supporting role - including intelligence, logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime communications. Because of this transition to a broader, NATO-based coalition, the risk and cost of this operation - to our military, and to American taxpayers - will be reduced significantly.

So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want to be clear: the United States of America has done what we said we would do.

That is not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our NATO responsibilities, we will work with the international community to provide assistance to the people of Libya, who need food for the hungry and medical care for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that was frozen from the Gaddafi regime so that it is available to rebuild Libya. After all, this money does not belong to Gaddafi or to us— it belongs to the Libyan people, and we will make sure they receive it.

Tomorrow, Secretary Clinton will go to London, where she will meet with the Libyan opposition and consult with more than thirty nations. These discussions will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressure Gaddafi, while also supporting a transition to the future that the Libyan people deserve. Because while our military mission is narrowly focused on saving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Libya that belongs not to a dictator, but to its people.

• He doesn't even know what elements were involved in the so-called rebel group, and for which he started another war in the Middle East.
   
• That group,, including al Qaeda members, now has the support of the president of the United States to succeed in what Obama is helping them to achieve.

Despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that some Americans continue to have questions about our efforts in Libya. Gaddafi has not yet stepped down from power, and until he does, Libya will remain dangerous. Moreover, even after Gaddafi does leave power, forty years of tyranny has left Libya fractured and without strong civil institutions. The transition to a legitimate government that is responsive to the Libyan people will be a difficult task. And while the United States will do our part to help, it will be a task for the international community, and - more importantly - a task for the Libyan people themselves.

• A task for the Libyan people themselves. That phrase seeks to protect himself against the unfavorable outcome of what he help start.

In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choice when it comes to Libya. On the one hand, some question why America should intervene at all—even in limited ways—in this distant land. They argue that there are many places in the world where innocent civilians face brutal violence at the hands of their government, and America should not be expected to police the world, particularly when we have so many pressing concerns here at home.

It is true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what's right. In this particular country—Libya; at this particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific scale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We also had the ability to stop Gaddafi's forces in their tracks without putting American troops on the ground.

• Violence on a horrific scale. It started out as no more than was occurring in Syria and Bahrain, until encouraged by the rhetoric of war mongoring by U.S. politicians, especially those favoring Israel.

To brush aside America's responsibility as a leader and—more profoundly—our responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstances would have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America is different. And as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action.

• What about the U.S. slaughter in Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Panama, Afghanistan, Iraq?

Moreover, America has an important strategic interest in preventing Gaddafi from overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driven thousands of additional refugees across Libya's borders, putting enormous strains on the peaceful—yet fragile— transitions in Egypt and Tunisia. The democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is the best strategy to cling to power. The writ of the UN Security Council would have been shown to be little more than empty words, crippling its future credibility to uphold global peace and security. So while I will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I am convinced that a failure to act in Libya would have carried a far greater price for America.

• Obama doesn't even know the groups involved in the rebel movement, which includes al Qaeda members.

Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Libya, there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military mission beyond the task of protecting the Libyan people, and do whatever it takes to bring down Gaddafi and usher in a new government.

• That includes the likes of Senators  Joseph Lieberman from Connecticut, beholden to Israel  over that of the United States, and Senator John McCain whose past judgment has been shown to be pathetically incompetent.  Strange that Obama's war actions serve Israel's interest. It also diverts attention from the criminal acts of high U.S. personnel in the diversion of blame in the Lockerbie bombing.

Of course, there is no question that Libya - and the world - will be better off with Gaddafi out of power. I, along with many other world leaders, have embraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through nonmilitary means. But broadening our military mission to include regime change would be a mistake.

• The world will be better off with Gaddafi out of power? Better off with radical Islamists, al Qaeda group, when Gaddafi had advanced the rights of women and brought about other progressive changes that in the Middle East were far better than some of the other countries favored by U. S. politicians. (Don't forget about Iran's Shaw and his brutal police that the U.S. installed through a overthrow operation.)

The task that I assigned our forces—to protect the Libyan people from immediate danger, and to establish a no fly-zone—carries with it a UN mandate and international support. It is also what the Libyan opposition asked us to do. If we tried to overthrow Gaddafi by force, our coalition would splinter. We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground, or risk killing many civilians from the air. The dangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. So would the costs, and our share of the responsibility for what comes next. The UN mandate did not authorize start of another war. Strange that Obama suddenly values UN resolutions when he and every other U.S. president in recent memory blocked every UN resolution against Israel that required their approval, when every other nation supported the resolutions against Israel.

• Obama's conduct certainly doesn't protect the Libyan people from immediate danger.

To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful about Iraq's future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something we can afford to repeat in Libya.

• Iraq still is deadly unstable and is expected to get worse when U.S. forces leave; the same with Afghanistan.

As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do—and will do—is support the aspirations of the Libyan people. We have intervened to stop a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners as they're in the lead to maintain the safety of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supply of cash, assist the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day when Gaddafi leaves power. It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakened Gaddafi tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear to those around Gadaffi, and to every Libyan, that history is not on his side. With the time and space that we have provided for the Libyan people, they will be able to determine their own destiny, and that is how it should be.

• Aspirations of the Libyan people? He doesn't know the desires of the Libyan people that are not a part of the rebel group, and he doesn't even know who the rebels consist of.
   
• All of Obama's proposed actions will harm the majority of the Libyan people that are not part of the unknown rebel group.
   
• U.S. politicians wrongly harmed the Libyan people after the downing of Pan Am Flight 103 when President George H.W. Bush, working through the U.S. Department of Justice,, engaged in a pattern of criminal acts to shift attention from the actual guilty parties to blame Libya for the bombing. The harm to the Libyan people arose from the U.S. sanctions against Libya, using the misplaced blame for the Pan Am bombing as the basis. Thanks to Obama, the Libyan people will again be victims of the culture of corruption among U.S. leaders.

Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of America's military power, and America's broader leadership in the world, under my presidency. As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than keeping this country safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy our men and women in uniform. I have made it clear that I will never hesitate to use our military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defend our people, our homeland, our allies, and our core interests. That is why we are going after al Qaeda wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continue to fight in Afghanistan, even as we have ended our combat mission in Iraq and removed more than 100,000 troops from that country.

• Keeping this country safe by starting military action against Libya based upon a rebel group that includes al Qaeda operatives and starts a civil war!
   
• Defend the American people and the United States by another war, based upon an uprising by a group whose goals and composition is unknown, but includes religious fanatics and al Qaeda operatives and other people with a cause to hate the United States.

There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our interests and values are. Sometimes, the course of history poses challenges that threaten our common humanity and common security—responding to natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and keeping the peace; ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow of commerce. These may not be America's problems alone, but they are important to us, and they are problems worth solving. And in these circumstances, we know that the United States, as the world's most powerful nation, will often be called upon to help.

• In this instance, the rebels calling for help include those who hate the United States.

In such cases, we should not be afraid to act— but the burden of action should not be America's alone. As we have in Libya, our task is instead to mobilize the international community for collective action. Because contrary to the claims of some, American leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates the conditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all.

• Should not be afraid to act does not mean acting repeatedly in a stupid manner.

That's the kind of leadership we have shown in Libya. Of course, even when we act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high. Those risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Libya. Yet when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whose leader has so often demonized the United States - in a region that has such a difficult history with our country - this American did not find enemies. Instead, he was met by people who embraced him. One young Libyan who came to his aid said, "We are your friends. We are so grateful to these men who are protecting the skies."

• Leadership in Libya?  Starting still another war with another nation based upon the uprising by one group of citizens composed of people unknown to Obama, but reported to include al Qaeda and other people that hate the United States for actions that they believe to be horrndous violations of the rights of the people in the invaded lands, such as Israel, Iraq, Afghanistan and an endless series of other brutal acts by U.S. that are mostly unknown by the trivia-obsessed average American.

This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusing to be denied their rights and opportunities any longer. Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progress will be uneven, and change will come differently in different countries. There are places, like Egypt, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes. And there will be places, like Iran, where change is fiercely suppressed. The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted, and difficult political and economic concerns addressed.

• That new generation, included those in the Libya uprising, includes al Qaeda members and others that hate the United States for its many human rights violations or support of them by U.S. politicians—-including those whose self-interests are to Israel lobbying groups rather than the United States.

The United States will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of this change. Only the people of the region can do that. But we can make a difference. I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that we must stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that have guided us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed against one's own citizens; our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedom for people to express themselves and choose their leaders; our support for governments that are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people.

• Obama's euphemistic statements, such ass standing alongside those who believe in the same principles, are ludicrous, since he has no knowledge of the groups involved in the rebellious conduct, no knowledge of their beliefs, and ignoring the information about the al Qaeda participation.
   
• The U.S. opposition to violence and universal rights? This ridiculous statement ignored the history of U.S. invasions and military attacks; the history of brutality by its military; the brutal rendition program; the widespread iolence in U.S. cities; the history of torture and teaching of torture in the U.S. Army School of the Americas.
   
• Freedom of people to express themselves? Check the history of what has been done to corruption-reporting whistleblower in the United States:
  • www.defraudingamerica.com/whistleblowers_index.com.
     
  • www.defraudingamerica.com/human_rights_violations_united_states.html.
     
  • Harm upon granddaddy of corruption-reporting whistleblowers: www.defraudingamerica.com/human_rights_violations_stich.html.

Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, we welcome the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and North Africa, and that young people are leading the way. Because wherever people long to be free, they will find a friend in the United States. Ultimately, it is that faith—those ideals—that are the true measure of American leadership.

• Find a friend in the United States? Why then did the reaction by President Bush to the 9/11 hijackings result in the world's greatest number of people wanting to kill Americans? The dumb statement made by Bush after the 9/11 hijackings: "They hate us because we are so good."  That ludicrous statement should have foretold the intelligence of that trigger-happy cowboy from Texas.
   
• A true measure of American leadership requires reading material at www.defraudingamerica.com, in the related books, and a sampling at http://www.defraudingamerica.com/harm_index.html.

My fellow Americans, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas—when the news is filled with conflict and change—it can be tempting to turn away from the world. And as I have said before, our strength abroad is anchored in our strength at home. That must always be our North Star—the ability of our people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with our resources, to enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring of our power, and to live the values that we hold so dear.

• Pathetic disconnect from reality.

But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work of protecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We have done so because we know that our own future is safer and brighter if more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom and dignity. Tonight, let us give thanks for the Americans who are serving through these trying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward; and let us look to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, but for all those yearning for freedom around the world. Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.

• Protecting our own people, by starting on another war against a leader that poses no threat to the United States; that has advanced certain western values that are grossly missing from some of U.S. allies in the Middle East, in Africa, and elsewhere?  A United States with the highest percentage of incarcerated people, often on perjured charges or to silence corruption-reporting whistleblowers.

This writer was formerly a supporter of President Barack Obama, thankful that Senator John McCain and his thoroughly unqualified Sarah Palin did not get elected. But since then, that relief—while still better than the alternative—has shown himself to lack judgment and experience. His speeches have generally been an improvement over what generally comings from the mouths of popular populist U.S. politicians. However, this speech by Obama on Libya was so far disconnected from reality that it reveals a dangerous lack of experience, judgment, or integrity that it is genuine cause for concern.

He has also violated the constitutional requirement for Congress to approve starting a war. While Obama is not the pathological liar that President George Bush (Jr.) was, this does not change the status of what Obama has done. What the outcome of that act will be has yet to be seen. While Obama was a candidate for President he was asked by a Boston Globe reporter (December 2007):